Basic human rights must be honored. If you're a schoolteacher working in a suburban school, and you come to discover that a child in your school may be struggling with drugs or have a drug abuse problem, the most likely response is not to call the police. Today's lynch mobs are professionals. Unfortunately, this backlash against the civil rights movement was occurring at precisely the same moment that there was economic collapse in communities of color, inner-city communities across America. First Published: 2010. With dazzling candor, Alexander argues that we all pay the cost of the new Jim Crow. " The long list you gave me there of obstacles to reform felt insurmountable as you were going through them. After Alexander outlines the various abuses in the War on Drugs, she turns to the possible explanations for why the system continues to flourish. If we really cared about people who lived there, would that be our answer? Just today, the New York Times reported that more than half of the African Americans in New York City are jobless. They are also subject to legalized discrimination in employment, housing, education, public benefits, and jury service, just as their parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents once were.
This man's story was so compelling. When "The New Jim Crow" came out, a decade ago, you said that you wrote it for "the person I was ten years ago. " We've got to awaken from this colorblind slumber we've been in to the realities of race in America. But, of course, even that is not enough because just as in the days of slavery, it wasn't enough to simply help a few, one by one, as they make their break for freedom. Renews March 20, 2023. Not just opening our institutions, but opening our hearts, and opening our mind. So, the hope Alexander finds is in the next generation of organizers and activists who may, with clear vision, still find a new way forward. Upon this racist fiction rests the entire structure of American democracy.
Like the "colored" in the years following emancipation, criminals today are deemed a characterless and purposeless people, deserving of our collective scorn and contempt. She clerked for Justice Harry Blackmun on the U. S. Supreme Court and is a graduate of Stanford Law School. MICHELLE ALEXANDER: You're making demands of the county prosecutor? People choose to commit crimes, and that's why they are locked up or locked out, we are told. MICHELLE ALEXANDER: Oh, well the easiest thing is to say, stop bringing these low level minor drug cases.
Lynch mobs may be long gone, but the threat of police violence is ever present. This system is about something else as currently designed. Federal budgets for drug enforcement began their steep, continuous ascent. The concern, though, is that these reforms are motivated primarily because of money, fiscal concerns. Race and crime are now so linked in our heads that when asked to picture a criminal, most of those surveyed thought of a black person. A movement for jobs, not jails. But herein lies the trap. It's concentrated in extremely small pockets, communities defined almost entirely by race and class, and in these communities it's not just one out of 10 who serve time behind bars. People poured out of the building; many stared for a moment at the black man cowering in the street, and then averted their gaze. The full drug penalties are so severe – eg 20 years in prison for possession; in some cases life imprisonment – that when prosecutors offer "just 3 years, " it seems foolhardy not to take it. And I keep telling him, "I'm sorry, I just can't represent you. " Meanwhile, tougher sentencing laws have dramatically increased the amount of time served for drug offenses. I was familiar with the challenges associated with reforming institutions in which racial stratification is thought to be normal—the natural consequence of differences in education, culture, motivation, and, some still believe, innate ability. "Viewed as a whole, the relevant research by cognitive and social psychologists to date suggests that racial bias in the drug war was inevitable, once a public consensus was constructed by political and media elites that drug crime is black and brown.
It's encouraging that in states like Kentucky and Ohio and in many other states around the country, legislation has been passed reducing the amount of time that minor, nonviolent drug offenders spend behind bars. After all, committing a crime is a voluntary action. There] seems to be something almost counterintuitive going on here, that once you start locking up too many people, you can actually start to destroy the social fabric of a community to the point where it creates the conditions for crime rather than prevents crime, which one would assume was in some people's minds the point of incarceration. Well today, it's not enough for us to help a few, one by one. The most likely response is to get them help. That is what it means to be black. The structure and content of the original Constitution was based largely on the effort to preserve a racial caste system––slavery––while at the same time affording political and economic rights to whites, especially propertied whites. They will be stereotyped and lambasted as their rights are stripped from them. In a speech delivered in 1968, King acknowledged there had been some progress for blacks since the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, but insisted that the current challenges required even greater resolve and that the entire nation must be transformed for economic justice to be more than a dream for poor people of all colors. … Why should we care? Substantial changes will be met with considerable resistance. "Nothing has contributed more to the systematic mass incarceration of people of color in the United States than the War on Drugs.
There are many times when it felt too hard. Only in the past few centuries, owing largely to European imperialism, have the world's people been classified along racial lines. And we knew we couldn't put someone on the stand as a named plaintiff in a class action alleging racial profiling if they had a felony record, because we'd be exposing them to cross-examination about their prior criminal history and turning it into a mini-trial about a young man's criminal past rather than the police conduct. MICHELLE ALEXANDER: Honestly, I think, there were many times in the course of writing this book that I wanted to give up. But we should do no such thing. So America has a higher incarceration rate than other nations. They didn't look back, and they often didn't tell their children about it. When you step back and actually look at the data on crime and incarceration, you don't see a neat picture of incarceration rates climbing as crime rates are declining. And soon Democrats began competing with Republicans to prove they could be even tougher on them than their Republican counterparts, and so it was President Bill Clinton who actually escalated the drug war far beyond what his Republican predecessors even dreamed possible. I reached the conclusions presented in this book reluctantly. No, in fact in many of the places where crime rates have declined the most, incarceration rates have fallen the most. Give me a sense of the progression and how through each president since Nixon the incarceration system has been ramped up, and sometimes in unexpected ways.
We live in a democracy, of the people by the people, one man, one vote, one person, one woman, one vote. Unbridled discretion inevitably creates huge racial disparities. Clinton eventually moved beyond crime and capitulated to the conservative racial agenda on welfare... in so doing, Clinton - more than any other president - created the current racial undercaste. Similarly, Brown v. Board did not cause sweeping changes – it was public support 10 years later that caused the real changes in society. In the drug war, the enemy is racially defined. What forms of violence have actually been perpetrated by us, the state, the government, us collectively, upon them? They ignore that statistics that trouble them and continue on in a blase, and of course very dangerous, fashion. Thanks for creating a SparkNotes account! There are very few people who are able to work because they've been branded criminals and felons. Sign up for your FREE 7-day trial. What's to become of me? It is common sense and conventional wisdom that if you arrest one drug dealer, there will be another dealer on the street within hours to replace him.
People of color are relentlessly pursued more than whites are for the same crimes. But there was one incident in particular that really kind of rocked my world. They say that in the end truth will triumph, but it's a lie. Hundreds of professional licenses are off limits to people who are convicted of a felony, and sometimes people will say, well, maybe they can't get hired, but they can start their own business; they can be an entrepreneur. This passage occurs in Chapter 1: The Rebirth of Caste, as Alexander traces the origins of race-neutrality and colorblindness in American history. The reasons are partly diplomatic. So I believe we have got to be willing to pick up where they left off, and do the hard work of movement building on behalf of poor people of all colors.
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